![]() ![]() (In Israel, the underlying reason is the lack of a constitution.) In Israel and the U.S., the court often has the last word. In many other countries, the top court does not overturn major laws and instead tends to make modest, technocratic changes. version: Both are among the most powerful courts in the world. Israel’s Supreme Court has something in common with the U.S. Even so, Netanyahu was able to put together a governing coalition only by allying with far-right and religious parties. ![]() Likud received the largest share of votes - 23 percent - in the most recent election. The country has held five elections since 2019. This refusal, combined with the continued popularity of the political right, has thrown Israeli politics into turmoil. ![]() “But they will no longer serve under Netanyahu himself: The prime minister, a master of the political maneuver, has simply lied to too many people too many times.” “Israel’s centrist parties are willing to serve in a coalition with Netanyahu’s right-wing Likud in charge,” Matti Friedman, a journalist who lives in Israel, wrote for The Free Press. Many politicians who agree with his Likud party on substantive issues decided that he needed to resign. Netanyahu often led the coalitions that spanned the center and right.īut in 2019, while he was prime minister, Netanyahu was indicted on corruption and bribery charges. The failure of those talks - including the Palestinian leadership’s walking away from the Camp David negotiations in 2000 - led many Israeli voters to give up on the idea of peace and support conservative parties. One important cause was the breakdown of peace talks between Israeli and Palestinian leaders in the early 2000s. The Israeli left, by contrast, has been marginalized and has not led the government since 2001. Netanyahu has always been on Israel’s political right, but he was long able to build alliances with the center. In today’s newsletter, we’ll explain why the later stages of Netanyahu’s political career are turning out to be more chaotic than anything that came before. “Hyper-personalized, populist rule achieved by gutting institutional checks and balances is how democracies devolve into mobocracies,” Bret wrote. And many military officers have said they would refuse to report for duty.īret Stephens, another Times Opinion columnist - who has often been sympathetic to Netanyahu’s policies - has criticized the judicial plan as a threat to Israel’s moral standing. Ehud Barak, a former prime minister, has encouraged Israelis to engage in civil disobedience if the proposal becomes law. His government’s proposal to reduce the power of Israel’s Supreme Court has created what our Opinion colleague Thomas Friedman calls the nation’s “ biggest internal clash since its founding.” Hundreds of thousands of Israelis - approaching 5 percent of the population - participated in protests last weekend. Yet that’s what Netanyahu has done in recent weeks. Political leaders who have already been in office for more than 15 years - which is how long Benjamin Netanyahu has been Israel’s prime minister - do not typically upend their country’s politics. ![]()
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